Hassan Arif2013-05-25T05:00:17-04:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.ca/author/index.php?author=hassan-arifCopyright 2008, HuffingtonPost.com, Inc.HuffingtonPost Blogger Feed for Hassan ArifGood old fashioned elbow grease.A Grassroots Environmental Movementtag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.32281562013-05-08T15:09:48-04:002013-05-08T15:10:23-04:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/
The Transition Movement (also known as Transition Towns and Transition Network) is a movement that embodies the need for both global and local solutions in moving off fossil fuel dependence and towards a sustainable economy. Transition is a grassroots movement, of concerned people coming together in their communities to promote sustainable practices in their cities, towns, and villages, while networking with like-minded Transition groups around the world.
The aims of Transition include educational initiatives, for instance "Transition Guides" published in communities to provide information to individuals, businesses, and governments on how to adopt sustainable practices, including promotion of local economies (such as local agriculture to avoid the pollution that comes from long distance transportation of food), sustainable energy sources such as solar and geothermal, and other actions that can promote environmental sustainability and a move away from fossil fuels.
Transition efforts also include lobbying and encouraging policy makers at different levels of government to adopt sustainable practices, to promote local foods, sustainable industries, green energy, and sustainable urban planning to curb automobile dependence.
Ultimately though, it is about the participants themselves, people getting together, determining the best strategies and avenues to build a sustainable economy and move beyond fossil fuel dependence.
In New Brunswick, there are Transition movements in Woodstock, Cocagne, Moncton, and Fredericton.
Transition Woodstock has accomplished several successful projects in the Woodstock area. These include the Richard Olmstead Sustainable Living Expo (the third annual one will be held on October 5, 2013 at the Woodstock campus of New Brunswick Community College). This expo engages a range of stakeholders in the community - including business, municipal and provincial government agencies, and environmentalist groups - to get together to showcase products and initiatives that promote environmentally sustainable practices.
Other Transition Woodstock initiatives include the Woodstock Community Garden, which was started three years ago, and a monthly event held at New Brunswick Community College featuring documentaries, films, and guest speakers. I myself will be a guest speaker, speaking at New Brunswick Community College in Woodstock on May 28th at 7:00PM, on sustainable economic development in New Brunswick.
Transition Woodstock has published an Energy Transition Guidebook for the Woodstock region which includes guidelines for businesses and individuals. This includes recommendations for green power sources for homes and businesses (including geothermal and solar) as well as policy recommendations on planning to facilitate methods of transportation -- walking, biking, and public transit -- that are alternatives to private automobiles.
In Fredericton, that city's Transition group held a World Café at Renaissance College, an initiative where people from the community came together to discuss and vote on ideas to ultimately determine which issues were priorities. This event was an excellent example of open-format democracy.
Some of the themes identified included promotion of a sustainable model of economic development where environmental harms (along with monetary benefits) were part of the equation, alternatives to automobile-centric transportation (including promotion of mass transit, biking, and walking), promotion of renewable energy (including solar power where homeowners can sell back to the grid), and supporting local agriculture.
A comprehensive strategy, from all levels of government, is needed to promote transition to a sustainable economy. As an example, municipal governments have an important role in promoting sustainable planning, moving away from sprawling box store developments with vast parking lots which are often along busy thoroughfares without proper sidewalks, all factors that discourage walking and biking. Provincial and federal governments have an important role in building an economy that is diverse and sustainable - taking advantage of new opportunities in green business sectors.
In all this, community and grassroots activism, an engaged citizenry, is important. The Transition Movement is playing a key role in this regard, linking local activism to global networks, encouraging the promotion of new practices among individuals, businesses, and governments.
Global climate change is a crisis, but it can also be an opportunity for new and innovative ideas, new opportunities to build sustainable economies (with jobs based in environmentally sustainable sectors), and new opportunities to build sustainable societies.]]>Why Going Green Could Put Trudeau In Powertag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.31755672013-04-28T19:01:13-04:002013-04-28T23:22:20-04:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/in a recent interview with Peter Mansbridge. When asked about Liberals who felt a return to government was a real possibility in 2015, Trudeau managed expectations, talking about hard work ahead and indicating a process that could stretch over several election cycles.
Nonetheless, 2015 has become more interesting, with the potential of a genuine three-party race where the NDP, Liberals, and Conservatives can all claim to be serious contenders for 24 Sussex Drive.
Justin Trudeau ran a policy-light leadership campaign, but it would be hard to say he is someone without substance or convictions. During the leadership race, Trudeau took a strong stand for multiculturalism when he addressed the Reviving the Islamic Spirit conference despite attempts to create controversy. Furthermore, Trudeau was an early supporter of the Idle No More movement, meeting with Chief Theresa Spence during her fast.
National unity is another issue where Trudeau has firmly staked his ground. The Mansbridge interview featured a video of Trudeau from his college days, arguing as part of a debate club the case for national unity when this was unpopular at his Quebec school. When interviewed, the young Justin Trudeau said it did not matter if his position was unpopular, it was about doing what was right.
It is worth noting that Justin Trudeau -- as a strong federalist -- would become MP by winning in a riding that had been held by the Bloc Quebecois.
An unusual stance is on free trade, where Trudeau has sought to distinguish his party from the NDP -- portraying them as anti-free trade and not understanding the economy even though, under Mulcair, the NDP showed more support for free trade deals. It is interesting to note that in the 1988 federal election, it was the Liberals who made opposition to Mulroney's Canada U.S. Free Trade agreement a centrepiece of their campaign; it figured less prominently in the NDP campaign. That election was credited with reviving Liberal fortunes after the devastating 1984 defeat, and with paving the way for a Liberal return to power in 1993.
While there has been opposition to a Chinese state-owned enterprise buying stakes in the tar sands -- the CNOOC-Nexen deal -- Trudeau supported this move during his leadership campaign. Trudeau's Liberals have since voted against an NDP motion to stop the Canada-China FIPA deal, despite serious concerns about the terms of the agreement. Toronto Star columnist Thomas Walkom took issue with Trudeau's first question as leader to the Prime Minister in the House of Commons on tariffs increasing the price of toys -- "little red wagons." Walkom wrote, "In most countries most politicians would ask why the little red wagons are no longer manufactured at home."
International trade is important, but it is important to consider whether Canada's interests are being served, and to acknowledge that certain trade agreements may not be good for Canada.
It is a challenge for the federal Liberals to carve a distinct political niche for themselves, especially where the NDP are not only serious contenders for power, but also quickly moving to the centre ground the Liberals once dominated.
The last Ontario provincial election -- while tainted by the politically motivated cancellation of gas power plant constructions -- offers an illustrative example for Liberals. Where Dalton McGuinty was initially pegged as set for a major electoral loss, he ultimately won re-election despite facing tough competition from both Tories and the NDP. In large part, the Liberals won by outflanking a surging NDP on the left on key issues, notably environmental conservation.
The McGuinty government had been closing polluting coal power plants and promoting sustainable forms of energy such as wind. As well, the McGuinty government had established a Greenbelt conservation area to preserve forests and farmlands and contain sprawl around the Greater Toronto Area and urbanized western Lake Ontario.
These policies earned Liberals an endorsement from David Suzuki, establishing the Liberals as the party that was taking seriously the challenges of climate change and the need to build a green economy.
Innovative public policy is also key. Ontario's current Liberal premier, Kathleen Wynne, has re-introduced the Local Foods Act, which would promote local foods through measures such as requiring government facilities -- such as hospitals -- to serve at least 25% local food. This legislation would also promote educational initiatives encouraging local food consumption as well as provide funding for local food projects. These are key measures in supporting Ontario's agricultural industry and in strengthening economic links between cities and rural areas.
There is real potential -- with a new leader -- for the federal Liberals to carve a distinct niche, to be the party of progressive and innovative ideas, to tackle concerns such as building a sustainable economy -- a key challenge in the 21st century. On issues like immigration and multiculturalism, Trudeau can be seen as already having outflanked the NDP; he should seek to do this on issues of environmental sustainability as well. Justin Trudeau can present a Liberal party that is stridently progressive on environmental and social policy, and on human rights and multiculturalism, while maintaining a strong commitment to entrepreneurship, innovation, and economic growth.
Innovative ideas are key. A genuine three-party race in 2015 can potentially offer great opportunities for the Liberals to showcase their strengths in these respects -- and offer real choices for Canadians.
]]>Frank McKenna Getting Frank About Homelessnesstag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.30369542013-04-08T15:14:53-04:002013-04-08T15:14:50-04:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/
The above quote is from Frank McKenna, as he addressed the Let's Get Frank About Homelessness dinner in Fredericton, a fundraising initiative organized by the Community Action Group on Homelessness Fredericton (CAGHF) to both raise awareness and money to combat homelessness, to provide those on the streets and in emergency shelters with permanent housing.
In addressing the 500 attendees at the diner, in making the above statement, McKenna was being upfront - "frank" - that he had not been a leading advocate in the past on homelessness. To show the importance of this issue for him, however, upon making this statement McKenna pledged to donate $100,000 to the organizers of the dinner, to help in the cause of alleviating - and ultimately ending - homelessness.
The donation was made in the name of Bob Kenny, a well-known volunteer in Fredericton - who was not able to make it to the dinner.
The Let's Get Frank dinner was a remarkable event, with members of the community - from various walks of life - coming together for the cause of homelessness. I was glad to have had the opportunity to attend the dinner myself.
During the dinner, the case for Housing First was clearly made, including the fiscal and moral case to end homelessness and to help those on the streets or in emergency shelters find permanent housing.
The presentations at the dinner included a dialogue between CAGHF's Tim Ross and Calgary Housing First advocate Tim Richter on the success of efforts in Calgary and Alberta to combat homelessness, and how such efforts could be implemented in New Brunswick. Richter cited successes in Calgary in alleviating pressures (and thereby financial costs) on public services by promoting affordable housing, referring to steep drops in calls to police, amount of time spent in jail, and amount of time spent in the court system.
Richter talked about successes in other Alberta cities, including Medicine Hat which was one housing development away from ending homelessness.
A press release from the Calgary Homeless Foundation highlighted successes of efforts in reducing homelessness. From 2008 to 2012, homelessness decreased by 11.4%. The press release cited data from the Homeless Management Information System which showed that, of a sample of 270 people provided with housing, "use of public systems went down by 40 per cent," and "emergency room visits and days in jail decreased by about 40 per cent and interactions with police were down by 60 per cent."
From this data, it is clear that demands on public services decreased when rates of homelessness decreased. Where Calgary once had the fastest growing rate of homelessness in Canada, these reductions represent significant process, both in terms of fiscal responsibility - in reducing demands on public services - and morally, in combating a serious social problem.
In the dialogue between Ross and Richter, Tim Richter cited successes in Fredericton such as the work of the John Howard Society. He stated that New Brunswick's smaller size - compared with Alberta - could be a distinct advantage, that the "big small town" environment in the province created a strong sense of community, an environment where people readily get together to help each other out. This was clear in how people quickly got together to help residents of public housing developments in the Isaac's Way building in downtown Fredericton which burned down in a Thanksgiving Day fire.
The fiscal and moral case for ending homelessness, for combating poverty, continues to be important in fiscally difficult times. Unfortunately, too often governments of various political stripes find the poor and vulnerable to be an easy target for budget cuts, especially as the poor are less able to politically organize than the wealthy and the middle-class. However, such actions, ignoring the need for housing and ignoring the need to combat homelessness, ultimately lead to greater fiscal and social problems.
Randy Hatfield of the Human Development Council, speaking to the CBC, highlighted especially notable occupancy and vacancy numbers in Saint John - where there was 88.5% occupancy at the Salvation Army and 61% occupancy at Coverdale Centre, the city had the highest apartment vacancy rate in Canada, at 9.7%. "How can we connect these dots?" stated Hatfield, citing the need for more affordable housing in mixed-income developments and the need to work with landlords to provide stable housing in vacant apartments for those without homes.
As shown at the Let's Get Frank About Homelessness dinner, the fiscal and moral cases for housing are clear. It is now time for public officials to act, to aggressively tackle the problem of homelessness, and to make housing first a top policy priority.]]>Politicians Get Frank About Homelessnesstag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.28499732013-03-12T08:34:57-04:002013-05-12T05:12:01-04:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/Martha Hall-Findlay and Ottawa lawyer David Bertschi. It was great to hear that both emphasized the importance of social housing, citing both the business and humanitarian cases for combating homelessness.
The businesses case is that getting people into housing, off the streets, saves public spending in healthcare and law enforcement, and is an important step in bringing people into the economy and into gainful employment. These are factors cited in, among other places, Malcolm Gladwell's article "Million Dollar Murray." The humanitarian case for ending homelessness is that it is unethical for a society -- and its political leaders -- to neglect the poor and vulnerable, those who most need help.
It is encouraging that this message, Housing First, is being received by policymakers and it is a positive sign to see the social policy side of the equation factoring into the federal Liberal leadership race. In my conversation with him, David Bertschi also emphasized the importance of mental healthcare, citing this as a too-often neglected issue by policy-makers. Martha Hall-Findlay cited childcare as a centre-piece of her platform.
Unlike the 1990s, where public policy seemed focused almost solely on austerity, there seems to be a growing realization of the importance of both the social policy and fiscal/business sides of the equation.
On the issue of ending homelessness, Tim Richter, past president and CEO of the Calgary Homelessness Foundation, spoke in Fredericton a while back on efforts in Calgary to end homelessness, on how he found a valuable partner with Alberta's Progressive Conservative premier, Ed Stelmach.
On March 20th, at the Fredericton Convention Centre, former New Brunswick premier Frank McKenna will be the keynote speaker at a fundraiser to raise money for social housing, Let's Get Frank About Homelessness (Tickets to this event can be purchased online here or by phone at 1-506-451-7791; the reception will be at 5:30PM and the dinner at 6:30PM). This event will be an opportunity to draw attention to the issues of homelessness and the benefits of social housing, to shed new light on the case for Housing First.
The efforts to end homelessness in Calgary -- at roughly halfway through a comprehensive ten-year plan -- has resulted in over 4,000 people getting permanent housing, and homelessness in Calgary going down for the first time in 20 years. These efforts have recognized the unique needs of youth (under 24) and the high rates of homelessness among First Nations (where First Nations are 2-3 per cent of Calgary's population, they represent 21 per cent of the city's homeless).
On the efforts in Calgary to combat homelessness, a statement from CAGH stated that "this work has resulted in significant cost savings to the public through reductions in emergency room visits, hospital nights, and justice system interactions." In this same statement, Frank McKenna stated that "there is a solid business case for ending homelessness" and that "I'm looking forward to supporting this cause that's an example of social innovation and fiscal prudence."
In fiscally difficult times, too often policymakers take the easy route, targeting the poor who are not as politically well-connected or organized as the wealthy and the middle-class. It was a federal Liberal government in the mid-1990s which abolished Canada's national housing program which is something that in the long-run has negative social and fiscal consequences.
In this context, an emphasis on the business case for ending homelessness is essential. Fulfilling short-term demands to "balance budgets" can ultimately result in more public expenditures in addition to social crisis. There is a needed shift -- which seems to be happening -- among policy-makers to recognize the importance of combating homelessness, of standing up for the poor and vulnerable.
In all this, it is important to engage all stakeholders -- anti-poverty activists, the business community, and entrepreneurs (The Business Community Anti-Poverty Initiative -- BCAPI -- in Saint John is an excellent example of engaging business leaders in the work of poverty-reduction).
An understanding of both the fiscal and moral cases is key to achieving this broad consensus. The Let's Get Frank About Homelessness fundraising dinner is potentially a pivotal event in raising awareness and promoting the necessity of ending homelessness.
]]>Sustainable Economic Development in New Brunswicktag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.28032612013-03-03T17:46:46-05:002013-05-03T05:12:01-04:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/I gave a talk in Taymouth, the first in a speakers series on charting a sustainable course for economic development in New Brunswick.
Taymouth is a community about a half-hour drive north of Fredericton, during the Question and Answer session of my talk, I saw people - from Taymouth and nearby communities - who were very engaged in their community, concerned about the future of their communities and of the province. Many were entrepreneurs, promoting local foods and crafts.
The location of the talk - the Taymouth Community Centre - was an old school house converted into a community centre, becoming a focal point, a place for community events and activities, including a farmer's market.
The next event in the speakers series is a political panel - including People's Alliance leader Kris Austin, NDP leader Dominic Cardy, Green Party leader David Coon, Progressive Conservative MLA Kirk MacDonald, and Liberal MLA Roger Melanson - to be held at the Taymouth Community Centre (864 Route 8) at 7PM on March 18th.
Below are excerpts from the talk I gave last week:
There is a recurring theme, among policymakers and seen in the popular press in our province, that the focus of economic development must only be on New Brunswick's largest cities - Fredericton, Moncton, and Saint John - with larger towns sometimes included as well. Rural New Brunswick, according to this perspective, is obsolete, destined to die.
I do not buy this argument, and you should not buy it either. It is not about focusing on one at the expense of the other, it is not about urban versus rural, it is about all of New Brunswick.
Cities are economic engines, and we need an urban strategy that focuses - for example - on the importance of walkable city and town centres which are increasingly popular among younger people as places to live and set up businesses (loft-style downtown facilities are increasingly popular sites for start-up enterprises). However, we need a rural strategy as well and ultimately we need an economic development strategy that recognizes and strengthens the connections between urban and rural New Brunswick, we need a one province strategy...
...We need to build connections between rural food producers and urban consumers through steps such as the promotion of eating locally. Real Food Connections in Fredericton, which buys all its food locally, is a great example of a business that is doing this. We also need to build on niche agricultural sectors - such as the growing demand for healthy food and food produced in an environmentally sustainable manner - as part of building a unique New Brunswick brand to promote both within the province and abroad.
Overall, building a unique New Brunswick brand is key, another example being Covered Bridge Chips in Hartland, marketing a unique, kettle cooked brand.
Research from the University of Toronto's Martin Prosperity Institute, on rural Ontario and the creative economy, offers some valuable insights. The findings of this research point to the importance of building a competitive advantage in rural food products, in "branding" to cater to growing demands for healthy and sustainably produced foods. The research highlights the importance of connecting rural food producers to urban markets.
An interesting finding of this research is the role of universities - research and development - in spurring a creative rural economy. An example cited is the partnership between the University of Guelph with peach and wine producers in the rural Niagara region, in promoting innovations in agriculture.
An important question is how these partnerships can be established here in New Brunswick, between rural food producers and nearby universities, such as the University of New Brunswick. Could there be a demand for new academic programs? The key in all this, rural New Brunswick can be an important player in the 21st century creative economy.
On the theme of the creative economy, arts and culture is important as well, including local crafts and festivals - the success of the Harvest Jazz and Blues festival in Fredericton - which brings people to downtown and spurs business there - is a testament to the success of such festivals. Having similar arts and cultural festivals in cities and towns throughout New Brunswick can be important in attracting tourists and building the province's reputation as a place of creativity, as a place more young professionals and entrepreneurs would want to move to. In all this, First Nations arts and culture plays an important role as well.
It is ultimately about making New Brunswick's cities, towns, and rural areas destinations...
...I hope here to have started a conversation, offered ideas. Rural New Brunswick cannot be dictated to from on high, ultimately economic development is a two-way conversation with local residents. There is a role for government - in supporting new businesses and entrepreneurs through mentoring and loans (for example through a reformed Business New Brunswick) and in supporting arts and culture. There is a role for the people - here in Taymouth, in Boisetown and Doaktown, and throughout New Brunswick - a role for activists [people engaged in political and social issues] in pushing for change, and a role for innovative entrepreneurs promoting new ideas.
Hopefully, I have succeeded, in bringing some new ideas to you, in spurring a discussion.]]>New Brunswick MLA Biking Across Canada For Kids With Cancertag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.27077062013-02-20T17:14:38-05:002013-04-22T05:12:01-04:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/
The Sears National Kids Cancer Ride (you can visit their website here) is a nation-wide fundraising effort where a group of people are selected to bike across Canada from Vancouver to Halifax. The ride happens in early September with participants cycling 165 kilometres per day.
Moncton-East MLA Chris Collins is among those who will be biking across Canada this year. Over the next few months, fundraising initiatives -- including teams biking on stationary bikes as part of the Inside Ride - will be held across the province. Funds from Collins' efforts will go to the Lions Sick Children's Fund to help New Brunswick children stricken with cancer and their families cover travel, medication, and other non-medicare covered expenses.
"The last thing a family going through some of the worst conceivable stress should have to worry about," stated Collins, "is whether or not they can afford to get their child to Halifax or Montreal."
In 2001, the only child of Chris Collins and his wife Lisette Richard - Sean who was then 7 years old - had open heart surgery for a congenital heart disease he had been diagnosed with at birth. For a young child undergoing treatment, having family with them to provide support is essential. Chris and his wife were frustrated, however, at the lack of provincial support for travel costs to visit their son who was being treated in Halifax.
This frustration motivated Chris Collins to get involved politically, running for MLA in 2003 in the riding of Moncton-East in a closely fought race, coming within 1,000 votes of defeating the incumbent. Soon after the election, Sean - at age 9 - was diagnosed with cancer. Chris Collins continued his advocacy work, starting a campaign in 2004 so families with children with cancer could receive assistance. Chris Collins would ultimately be elected MLA in a 2007 by-election in the riding of Moncton-East and has continued his advocacy work for sick children and their families.
In 2007, at age 13, Sean Collins lost his battle with cancer. This strengthened the determination of his father to stand up for children with cancer and their families.
In recent years, there have been some positive steps forward in public policy. This includes the hiring of two "patient navigators" in 2008 to help guide families through the complicated bureaucracy they face when seeking treatment for children stricken with cancer. Another positive step is the federal government's extension this year of employment insurance benefits for families with seriously ill children, providing essential support during a financially pressing time.
However, much more needs to be done. Unfortunately an initiative by the last New Brunswick provincial government to provide $1 million in funding for kids with cancer was not implemented. Something that Chris Collins - in his conversations with me - said was a missed opportunity.
To help Chris Collins raise money for kids with cancer - to provide essential support to these children and their families - you can make a donation by visiting this website. Chris has set a goal of $40,000 to be raised in New Brunswick. Also, to volunteer with fundraising activities associated with the Sears National Kids Cancer Ride - either to register a team for the Inside Ride or take a few hours to help with other fundraising efforts - you can e-mail Cathy Bates at cathybates@rogers.com.
Cancer is a traumatizing experience for children receiving treatment and for their families. Chris Collins - Sean's father - cycling across Canada to raised money will provide much needed support and help.]]>New Brunswick Offers Unique Opportunities in Social Enterprisetag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.26589442013-02-11T14:47:32-05:002013-04-13T05:12:01-04:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/
This is particularly the case in a smaller jurisdiction like New Brunswick. As a smaller jurisdiction which offers beautiful natural vistas, as well as smaller cities and towns that offer an alternative to larger cities like Toronto, environmental conservation is an essential component to our province's economic well being. Preserving our province's natural beauty enhances our economic potential in tourism, as well as making the province an attractive place to move to, especially for those who enjoy outdoor activities and being near natural surroundings.
Furthermore, preserving the character of our cities and towns through sustainable urban planning practices that curb sprawl - preserving farmlands and natural landscapes - and encouraging mixed-use downtowns, are essential to building on our province's economic strengths.
Downtowns and downtown like environments are becoming increasingly popular locations for residents -- including young professionals and entrepreneurs -- seeking an alternative to traditional suburban living, something written about by academics such as Richard Florida. Furthermore, downtown loft-style facilities are increasingly popular locations for start-up IT enterprises. Walkable mixed-use downtowns and town centres also serve as important cultural focal points, creating potential for arts and other local festivals that are draws for tourists.
On natural landscapes, research Elizabeth O'Brien, in a peer-reviewed journal article presenting the findings from interviews and focus groups conducted in Vermont, found that the state's forests and natural landscapes were a key attraction for people who moved there, with some even opting for lower wages to be able to enjoy more outdoor activities and be closer to nature.
In Vermont there is a strong policy emphasis on environmental conservation. The state's natural vistas and smaller cities and communities have been a draw for tourists and new residents -- including innovative entrepreneurs -- for decades. While Vermont is not perfect -- it faces pressures of young people leaving -- the state's unemployment rates have been consistently below those of the United States. New Brunswick has similar strengths that can be drawn on and promoted - where conservation and natural surroundings can be key economic draws.
As well, in all this, social enterprise has an important role to play. Vermont has been an attractive state to conservation-minded people, with strong support for local businesses, including local businesses -- emphasizing social responsibility and environmental conservation -- that have become successful multinational enterprises, Ben & Jerry's Icecream and Green Mountain Coffee being two key examples.
Green Mountain Coffee emphasizes social justice and environmental sustainability in its mission statement, with promotion of environmentally sustainable practices in its manufacturing process and 100% offset of greenhouse gas emissions. Furthermore, a minimum of five percent of pre-tax profits are allocated for social and environmental projects.
As well, the company emphasizes fair trade practices and promotes volunteerism among employees, all of which -- in addition to emphasis on environmentally responsible practices -- have built a strong brand based on social and environmental responsibility.
Promoting environmentally sustainable solutions, in and of itself, presents new opportunities in entrepreneurship and innovation. Thoughtful Dwellings Consulting and Design in Fredericton emphasizes energy efficient building practices. Thoughtful Dwellings collaborated on a project with Southern Exposure Construction Incorporated to build a house that exceeded Canadian standards of energy efficiency, the Naugler House which is the first "passive house" in New Brunswick, a concept imported from Germany where the latest technologies and environmentally friendly materials are used in home construction to radically reduce energy consumption.
While the costs to build a passive house are higher than a typical house, the reductions in energy consumption -- by up to 90% -- lead to long-run cost savings as well as being good for the planet. The passive house offers freshly circulated air that prevents growth of unhealthy mold and mildew as well as durable building materials that minimize repair and renovation needs. Furthermore, windows facing south make maximum use of natural heat from the sun.
This is a clear example of the pursuit of environmental sustainability offering new chances for innovative uses of technology, a great example of social entrepreneurship.
New Brunswick is a province that holds a lot of great potential, where environmental conservation and social enterprise are key elements in promoting economic prosperity and general well-being. This is a great potential that needs to be tapped into and unleashed. Social responsibility, environmental conservation, entrepreneurship and innovation are mutually beneficial, and New Brunswick - as a smaller jurisdiction - offers unique opportunities to be a leader in these areas.]]>Why Affordable Housing Matterstag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.25645182013-01-28T15:58:06-05:002013-03-30T05:12:01-04:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/released a report which presented a dire picture of social housing in the province. The report cited problems of aging housing stock and lack of funding for needed maintenance and upkeep.
The report also cited concerns about decreased funding to the New Brunswick Housing Corporation from the Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation, with federal funding declining and set to expire in 2034 with no commitment to renewal by the federal government.
The average waiting list for social housing in New Brunswick, since 2007, as per the report, was 4,200 people -- the waiting list being especially high in the three largest cities -- Fredericton, Moncton, and Saint John.
The Auditor Genera's report raised serious concerns about the funding gap -- between needs and actual funds -- for social housing in New Brunswick, a gap set to reach almost $50 million by 2019, raising serious questions about the viability of social housing in the province. This brings up the issue of the lack of a national housing strategy in Canada, with the Chretien-Martin government having retreated from this in the 1990s as part of deficit cutting measures, making Canada the only western country without a national housing program.
Proper housing for those in need is important, morally and fiscally. Tim Richter, a leading Housing First advocate from Calgary, highlighted this in a talk he gave in Fredericton, stating that healthcare and law enforcement costs associated with homelessness are greater than the costs of providing proper housing.
In November 2012, Fredericton City Hall held a public presentation on affordable housing, with speakers including anti-poverty activist and social entrepreneur Tim Ross, city councillor and chair of the affordable housing committee Mike O'Brien, Fredericton Mayor Brad Woodside, MLA Pam Lynch, and others.
O'Brien highlighted the problems of people being "vulnerably housed" stating "I don't think people quite grasp how significant it is. We're a prosperous city. A lot of it is hidden." He stated that, in addition to those who were homeless, there were those who were "couch surfing" at the homes of friends and relatives, without a place of their own, as well as those housed in inadequate or unsafe conditions.
Many of the vulnerably housed, stated O'Brien, were employed in lower and even middle-income jobs, but the costs of rent consumed an inordinate amount of their income, or they were faced with crisis such as mental health issues. O'Brien made it clear that building more affordable housing was a priority of the City of Fredericton.
At the affordable housing presentation, accomplishments in the building of new affordable housing units were highlighted, including the building of mixed-income units -- apartment buildings and townhouses where some of the units were subsidized for social housing purposes.
Mixed-income housing is essential in avoiding the ghettoization of the poor. It represents a needed move away from earlier practices of building monolithic and isolated apartment blocks which isolated the poor and were unpleasant places to live.
In larger cities especially, one can see these massive and freestanding apartment blocks -- inspired by the ill-thought out social engineering views of architect Le Corbusier, who had once proposed razing Paris and replacing it with massive apartment blocks.
His designs of massive apartment blocks were eventually deemed unacceptable by most people, though these dehumanizing structures became a common design for social housing units and were associated with post-WWII "urban renewal" projects.
In many cities, these massive apartment blocks are now being demolished.
At the Fredericton presentation, myths about affordable housing were debunked, including multiple studies showing that crime does not increase in neighbourhoods with affordable housing, that property values are not negatively affected if the buildings are well-designed, and that social housing is not "incompatible" with neighbourhoods. It is worth noting that the target for affordable housing are those for whom rent surpasses 30 per cent of household income, something that affects a wide range of people.
A great example of a successful mixed-income development is the Abbey in the city centre of Saint John. In an interview -- posted on youtube by the Saint John Human Development Council's Mark Leger, one of the low income tenants happily praised the high quality of the building, saying it made her feel "special" and "worthy" and that her children loved the new place. She talked about the contrast between previous places she had lived which were infested with mold and rats, and where rent was disproportionately high to the quality of the property.
The interview respondent also stated that she found living in the city-centre an advantage -- with amenities such as the city market being in walking distance and bus routes being easily accessible -- important for those on low incomes who often do not have a car (or for whom gas costs are prohibitive) and an important quality of life advantage for people as a whole. This is an important reminder too, that for all the talk of density, walkability is important. This raises the benefits of mixed-use developments -- apartment buildings where there are stores and shops on the first floor -- as well as the benefits of downtown-like neighbourhoods.
Social housing must be a priority -- it is a moral duty and for the homeless, it is a fiscally responsible move to prevent the increased costs for healthcare and law enforcement associated with homelessness. Mixed-income -- where the poor are not isolated -- is essential to prevent ghettoization, as is the promotion of walkability which is essential for those without cars, and an important quality of life advantage for everyone else.
Social housing is a priority, where municipal, provincial, and federal governments must be actively engaged.]]>Building A Progressive Coalitiontag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.24834202013-01-18T15:23:34-05:002013-03-20T05:12:01-04:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/
Miliband -- in policy and communications -- has balanced recognition of the strengths of the market economy and an acknowledgement of 21st-century social and economic realities with traditional social democratic (or, more broadly, progressive) values of promoting strong social programs, helping the working poor, and valuing the role of government in helping the poor and middle-class. In the process, Labour is providing a clear contrast to the austerity-focused Conservatives.
Where Tony Blair's New Labour often pursued pragmatism -- accommodating the "centre" -- at the expense of idealism (at least in public statements), the Miliband-led Labour Party has assertively established a progressive identity.
This is something made easier with the third-party Liberal Democrats being part of a coalition government with the Conservatives. In many ways, this is reminiscent of the 1920s when the old British Liberal Party got displaced as the centre-left contender for government by Labour, as Liberals aligned with Conservatives. Progressive Liberals in the 1920s went over to the growing Labour Party and conservative voters opted for Conservatives over Conservative-lite (an apt warning to liberal parties about leaning to the right when a social democratic party is a viable alternative).
Labour under Miliband -- in its communications on social media and other outlets -- has sought to drive home exactly how Cameron's austerity measures are harming the British people -- including the poor and middle class and youth faced with a difficult job market -- showing that it is not just an opposition for opposition's sake, but that very real issues are at stake. On Facebook and Twitter for example, Labour Party updates highlight clearly the numbers of police offers and nurses laid off, the number of early learning centres closed, and provides individual stories of people negatively affected by Tory policies.
On engaging party members and the general public, the party is seeking to put in place processes to garner greater rank and file input, and is encouraging the involvement of elected officials in advocacy on issues of local concern in their communities -- creating more direct engagement between the party and local communities and bringing these concerns to the leadership. While the term "grassroots" gets thrown around a lot, this is a real effort at genuine "grassroots" engagement.
To this end, the Labour Party hired an American community organizer -- Arnie Graf -- who had trained local leaders in Chicago to fight for issues such as housing and decent wages -- to bring these skills to the Labour Party, to train strong local leaders and connect the party to local communities -- attracting volunteers and supporters engaged and interested in these local concerns.
If applied in Canada, this could offer real potential for elected representatives -- who are too often stifled by party discipline -- to be real advocates for the communities and constituencies they represent, to have a more empowered role and, in turn, create a policy process better rooted in the concerns of constituents.
On constituency work, former deputy leader of the Labour Party, Denis Healey, wrote in his memoirs that:
"The busier a politician is with national or international affairs, the more important is his constituency case work. It is that above all which keeps him in touch with the problems of those he is supposed to represent, and teaches him how legislation at Westminster [Parliament] actually affects real people on the ground - or how powerless it is to help them."
Thus, for progressive political parties, substantive policies, rooted in the concerns of party members and the general public (through genuine consultation and engagement) is key -- policies aimed at combating real problems faced by the general public, aimed at building a broad progressive coalition to defeat conservative parties which, in many cases in both Britain and Canada, are increasingly driven by rightwing neo-conservative ideology.
In Canada, this would entail building a coalition of environmentalists (including many who would normally support the Green Party), social democrats, liberals, and Red Tories who hail from the Progressive half of the old Progressive Conservative Party. This would involve emphasis on environmental conservation, poverty-reduction, a strong social safety net (both protecting and enhancing it), and an emphasis on entrepreneurship and innovation.
Federally in Canada, the Liberals and the NDP are fighting for this space (with the NDP having the advantage as official opposition). In New Brunswick, the provincial Liberals as official opposition have the potential -- as they embark on their policy development process in 2013 -- to develop policies rooted in the concerns of New Brunswickers, appealing to this broad progressive coalition, with particular emphasis on issues such as poverty, unemployment, youth outmigration, on modernizing sectors such as agriculture and forestry, and enhancing sectors such as information technology and tourism.
The Labour Party, in charting an assertively progressive path, in seeking to root policies in local concerns and to empower volunteers and elected officials, and in embarking on a genuinely consultative policy process, is offering lessons worth learning for other progressive parties, including here in Canada.]]>Does the World Still Trust Canada?tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.24251892013-01-07T17:38:05-05:002013-03-09T05:12:01-05:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/obstructionist role in attempts to negotiate a new climate change agreement. The growing mistrust toward Canada amongst international bodies was evidenced when Canada failed to get a rotating seat on the UN Security Council.
More recently, the Harper government quietly eased the ban on the export of assault weapons to Colombia. (Such weapons are banned in Canada. Colombia -- while experiencing significant economic growth -- is still plagued by severe violence (including the killing of union leaders) and has been accused of major human rights violations. The country may therefore be a new market for Canadian firearms merchants, but exploiting that market is an irresponsible move.
These actions seem out of character for the Canada that once had a reputation as a peace-keeper and honest broker -- the Canada that was seen as a humanitarian voice on the world stage. This is out of character for the Canada of Lester Pearson, who played a key role in the creation of the UN peace-keeping forces. This is out of character for the Canada of Pierre Trudeau who attempted -- even though unsuccessfully -- to play a mediating role between the United States and the Soviet Union when tensions were high during the Cold War.
The foreign policy of the Harper Conservatives seems a contrast also to that of Progressive Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, who emphasized human rights and took a strong stand against apartheid in South Africa when Britain's Margaret Thatcher and America's Ronald Reagan wanted to thaw relations with the country. Meanwhile, as leader of the opposition, Stephen Harper protested Jean Chrétien's refusal to join George W. Bush in the disastrous invasion of Iraq.
The current state of Canadian foreign policy makes the mission of a particular organization, the Group of 78, especially worth heeding today. This organization aims to promote a humanitarian vision of Canada's role on the world stage. The group's stated aims are to "promote global priorities for peace and disarmament, equitable and sustainable development [including combating poverty in the developing world], and a strong and revitalized United Nations system."
The name of the organization derives from a 1981 letter to then-Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, which had 78 signatories, including writer Margaret Atwood, broadcaster Pierre Burton, international human rights advocate John Humphrey, and former NDP leader Tommy Douglas, among others. The letter called for the principles of peace and security to be central to Canadian foreign policy.
The Group of 78 has since organized conferences and put out policy papers advocating its stated goals in relation to pressing international issues.
Among the conferences the group has organized, one worth noting is the 2006 annual policy conference -- held in the early months of the Harper government -- which dealt with the potential role for Canada in promoting African stability. Africa is a too-often neglected continent in international affairs, receiving comparatively little attention in the North American media, despite ongoing and pressing issues of poverty, political mismanagement, and violence.
As a few examples, Mali faces violence from insurgents in the north; rebel groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo have been found by the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights to be responsible for human rights violations and are faced with UN security council sanctions; and refugees from the violence in war-torn Somalia were numbering 1.3 million as of October 2012 (with Kenya and Ethiopia being the top recipients of Somali refugees). Other toubled spots in Africa include the Central African Republic, which has been plagued with relentless rebellion and coups, and which remains poor despite being rich in resources such as diamonds and gold. In Zimbabwe, the people continue to suffer under the oppressive regime of Robert Mugabe.
The 2006 Group of 78 conference called on Canada to play a constructive and humanitarian role in Africa and pursue the strengthening of international legal protection of human rights, including: a strong role for the International Criminal Court, adoption of legislation in Canada to prohibit businesses from profiting from crimes against humanity (presumably including weapons exports), securing market access for African goods, and implementing in Canada an anti-corruption framework concerning the activities of Canadian companies abroad.
A further recommendation of the conference was for Canada to fulfill a commitment of 0.7% of GDP to international development aid by the end of the decade. Canada never reached this target and the Harper Conservative government earlier last year embarked on a planned cut to international aid over three years.
The conference also emphasized military intervention as a last -- not first -- resort, a painful lesson learned in the aftermath of wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.
In the past, Canada has been a constructive player on the international stage, emphasizing values such as peace-keeping and international cooperation, taking bold moves such as being key in the creation of the UN peace-keeping force, promoting peace during the Cold War, standing up against South African apartheid, and refusing to join George W. Bush in Iraq. The Harper Conservatives have removed Canada from this role, and from this perception, favouring a more unilateralist approach on issues such as climate change.
We need to heed voices seeking to promote an international role for Canada that emphasizes humanitarianism and peace-keeping. The message of organizations such as G-78 is all the more relevant in this light.
]]>How Harper's Neglect Suffocates Native Potentialtag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.23877822012-12-31T08:44:42-05:002013-03-02T05:12:02-05:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/unwilling to meet with Attawapiskat chief Theresa Spence, who is on a hunger strike to bring attention to the neglect of -- and at times downright contempt for -- the rights of First Nations communities. She has been on the hunger strike in the hopes of getting a meeting with the prime minister, so far to no avail.
Attawapiskat is the reserve in northern Ontario that first made news a little over year ago due to abhorrent housing conditions.
While Harper avoids Chief Spence, Liberal leadership hopeful Justin Trudeau sought her out, stating via Twitter that "it was deeply moving to meet Chief Theresa Spence today. She is willing to sacrifice everything for her people. She shouldn't have to."
Across Canada, Idle No More protests have taken place. The name of the movement comes from the need to "idle no more" and "take action" in light of the curtailment and neglect of the rights of First Nations under Harper's government. Protesters have blocked highways and intersections, and held rallies and flash mobs at malls, including one that was held at the Regent Mall in Fredericton on Christmas Eve. Social media -- Facebook and Twitter -- have played a key role in getting the word out.
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A significant motivating force behind the Idle No More protests is Bill C-45, which not only disregards First Nations' treaty rights, but has impacts on environmental sustainability, which affects Canadians as a whole.
Bill C-45 is part of Harper's omnibus budget implementation. It replaces the Navigable Waters Protection Act with the Navigation Protection Act , stripping environmental protections and oversights from most lakes and rivers in Canada with regards to the construction and use of objects that can obstruct these waterways. This includes obstructions such as oil and gas pipelines, dams and mining and forestry equipment which would not be subjected to the permitting process under the old legislation.
As per the new Navigation Protection Act, protected waterways will be limited to only those listed in Schedule 2 of the legislation. In total, only 62 rivers and 97 lakes in Canada will be protected. "This is nothing less than tragic for the majority of Canadians who love and respect our waterways from coast to coast to coast," stated Green Party leader Elizabeth May in response to this legislation.
For New Brunswick, this would mean that only the Saint John River east of the Mactaquac Dam would be protected, as -- other than the Atlantic Ocean - it is the only waterway listed in Schedule 2. Not listed in Schedule 2 are the Upper Saint John River, Grand Lake, and the Miramichi River. Federal Transportation Minister Denis Lebel, commenting on the legislation, stated that "We specifically decided to show what is navigation -- ditches or small, small rivers are not a place where we have navigation." Residents of communities along the Upper Saint John River or the Miramichi River are likely to disagree with this assessment, and with these waterways being considered akin to "ditches."
Speaking before a Senate committee on the new legislation,David Labistour, the CEO of Mountain Equipment Co-op, warned that there would be serious economic (in addition to environmental) consequences. In particular, he said, these economic consequences would stem from the impeding of the ability of Canadians to use lakes and rivers for recreational purposes, by removing protections and oversights. The CEO argued that the outdoor recreation industry -- a growing economic sector, which creates at least six-million jobs -- is being put in danger by this new legislation.
In addition, Canada's lakes and rivers are an important source of identity and pride. They are also important attractions in many communities -- attractions that draw tourists and new residents. These are factors that are being disregarded by the new legislation.
The Harper Conservatives' lack of consultation with First Nations -- and their lack of regard for First Nations communities, many of which will be affected by Bill C-45 -- represents a dangerous narrow-mindedness.
This dismissive attitude toward First Nations is not new for the Harper Tories. It comes from an ideology that denies the existence of First Nations rights, a thesis propounded by conservative academics such as Tom Flanagan, who has been a close adviser to Harper. When the Conservatives were elected to government in 2006, they brazenly disregarded the Kelowna Accord with First Nations, an agreement negotiated between the Martin Liberal government, provincial governments and First Nations to address poverty in First Nations communities.
There is much economic potential in First Nations communities -- including in arts, culture and festivals which are important components of the creative economy and could generate tourism, which would benefit surrounding non-First Nations communities as well.
For example, Saint Mary's First Nation is located in the middle of the City of Fredericton, and could be a hub of artistic and creative activity that would have positive spin-off benefits for the city as a whole.
However, this potential -- for entrepreneurship, for the creative economy -- in First Nations communities is impeded when the rights and concerns of First Nations are neglected. The Harper government's narrow-mindedness is dangerous, as is its neglect of environmental protection, and of First Nations.
It is time to idle no more. It is time to speak out, for First Nations, and for Canadians as a whole.]]>Liberals, Bold Ideas Will Get You Everywheretag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.22780872012-12-11T17:36:17-05:002013-02-10T05:12:02-05:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/placement of nuclear missiles on Canadian soil in the early 1960s, it was the Diefenbaker Tories -- with a strong populist bent -- who were ultimately opposed and the more continentalist Liberals in favour. As well, many Blue Liberals could be considered to the right of many Red Tories.
There were third parties like Social Credit which came and went, and an "ideological" social democratic party, the CCF which would later become the NDP, which was the principled third party of the left. Though a new brand of NDPers, influenced by Tony Blair's Third Way, would take issue with their party being labelled "ideological."
Since the 1990s however, federal politics have seen a seismic change, where it has become less about who one's grandparents voted for or who will pave your road, and more about ideas and principles, what a party stands for, as a clearer left-right spectrum has emerged.
In the 1993 election, the Progressive Conservatives -- a party with an oxymoron of a name that embodied catch-all politics -- was reduced to two seats while the right-wing Reform Party emerged as a major player. Reform would eventually morph into the Canadian Alliance and ultimately merge with (many would say absorb) what was left of the Progressive Conservatives.
In 2011 NDP leader Jack Layton ran a spirited campaign that led to a stunning breakthrough in Quebec with ripple effects across the country as the NDP became official opposition and the Liberals were relegated to third party status. As it now embarks upon a leadership race, the once natural governing party faces the reality of third party status.
Justin Trudeau is young and charismatic with "star power" coming from his famous last name. For many Liberals, Trudeau is the answer to reviving the Liberal brand, making the party relevant to a new generation, and being the game-changer to bring the Liberals back to being contenders for power (polls upon Justin Trudeau entering the race have shown the Liberals edging ahead of the NDP, though whether this is a honeymoon period remains to be seen).
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Justin Trudeau, however, faces questions about experience and readiness to lead, for instance comments calling the long-gun registry a "failure" even though he voted to save it, comments which he had to ultimately walk back. Marc Garneau, who is a generation older than Justin Trudeau, would seem the candidate for Liberals looking for a more experienced leader, with a long distinguished career outside and inside politics.
Other candidates are placing primary emphasis on policy and ideas, Martha Hall-Findlay, a defeated Toronto-area MP, is considered to be on the pro-business centre-right of the party. Meanwhile, Vancouver MP Joyce Murray can be considered centre-left, with a strong emphasis on environmental conservation, and her proposal to allow cooperation -- joint run-off nominations with other progressive parties in select ridings that choose to do so in order to defeat Conservatives. This latter idea would seem a logical way to deal with the problems of a divided left allowing Conservatives to come up the middle, but will be hard for many partisans to accept.
Columnist Andrew Coyne has written that Liberals should embrace third-party status, make bold policy statements that parties seeking power in 2015 would shy away from, essentially move away from the catch-all tradition. This is a strong argument, be the principled third party, take bold stands (that may be controversial by some in the party), and thereby attract a fervent core of supporters, much as the NDP had been able to do in surviving for decades as a viable third party.
In the short-run, a bold principled party can attract supporters who are attracted to the cause, not to the spoils of power per se. In the long run, with a strong loyal base, the party can rebuild to become a contender for government again. Being a third party could be a real chance to boldly define what "liberalism" is.
What about the more controversial -- at least among core partisans -- idea of merger? The Reform/Alliance needed the Progressive Conservatives to gain legitimacy east of Manitoba. For the NDP, the challenge is winning support in suburban areas that are traditionally Liberal versus Conservative contests and among immigrants and visible minorities who are traditionally a strong Liberal constituency. Thus the challenge for the NDP would be to win seats, for example, in Toronto suburbs such as Mississauga and Brampton where there are high populations of visible minorities and immigrants, not to mention be competitive in smaller cities such as Guelph, Kingston, Fredericton, and Moncton.
One could argue that a merger with the Liberals could give the NDP that needed legitimacy to break through into these constituencies. Though presently core Liberal partisans are hoping for a comeback and core NDP partisans are hoping to win government on their own terms. Likely it would take another election cycle, if the results are similar to 2011, for merger to be more seriously considered.
We do seem to be entering a more ideological -- left-right -- era in politics, not only in Canada but in the United States too with the blue/red divide, MSNBC versus Fox News. There is greater onus on political parties to present what they stand for. This is the new terrain Liberals must navigate.
A strong case can still be made for the Liberal Party -- as the party that emphasizes entrepreneurship and job creation drawing a distinction with the NDP (though the NDP is moving in on this territory), and as the party that emphasizes social programs (healthcare, poverty-reduction), environmental conservation, and facts-based policy, to draw a distinction with the Conservatives.
Liberals can be the party that is not afraid to push the limits of political debate with bold ideas. It is a new political terrain for the party, one that will necessitate a greater need to define what exactly "Liberalism" is.
]]>How Fracking Could Ruin New Brunswicktag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.22310712012-12-04T08:55:13-05:002013-02-03T05:12:01-05:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/
Fracking is a new and unproven technology. There are serious risks to air and water quality from the chemicals pumped underground as part of the fracking process, and the storage of wastewater associated with the process. The risks of this process have been highlighted by the Cleary Report, by concerned citizens in this province, and by experts such as Anthony Ingraffea of Cornell University. In places where fracking is already occurring -- such as in Pennsylvania -- there have been issues with contaminated water supplies and well leaks.
In addition to these environmental and public health concerns, there is also an economic opportunity cost to fracking. The massive industrial operations associated with fracking would fundamentally change the character of New Brunswick's rural and natural landscapes. These landscapes are an attraction for tourism and (potentially) for new residents, as well as a being an important part of our province's identity as a smaller province of pristine natural and rural landscapes.
In a peer-reviewed article for the academic journal Landscape Research, social scientist Elizabeth O'Brien examined public attitudes towards forested landscapes in Vermont, a smaller jurisdiction like New Brunswick, through interviews and focus groups. The results showed that Vermont's forested landscape held important quality of life advantages, for example in being a source of recreational activities such as hiking and skiing among residents from Vermont's largest city, Burlington, who were originally from out of state.
The interviews showed that three of the Burlington residents interviewed had chosen lower paying jobs in Vermont because they wanted to be involved in outdoor activities and be closer to nature. The study further found that Vermont's forested landscape was important for local identity and pride.
Vermont is a destination for young professionals and entrepreneurs who want an alternative to larger cities such as New York City and Boston. New Brunswick has this same potential, both in attracting new residents and tourists, but only if the province's rural landscapes and pristine natural environments are preserved.
The use and enjoyment forests and other natural surroundings, while intangible and without a directly measurable monetary value, are important to account for. In addition to enjoyment and use values, they yield economic benefits in tourism and attraction of new residents -- something that comes from these intangible use values.
In previous articles for this online newspaper, I have cited the benefits of Vermont's policies of preserving its natural heritage (and advantages) -- in curbing sprawl, promoting city and town centres, preserving forests and farmlands -- and in this process reaping economic benefits from tourism and new residents.
Vermont's unemployment numbers have been consistently below US rates -- with September 2012 numbers being 5.4 per cent versus 7.8 per cent for the United States as a whole. On the creativity index -- a measure employed by economic development expert Richard Florida in aggregating indicators related to technology, talent/education of the workforce, and social tolerance -- Vermont's only metropolitan area -- Burlington-South Burlington -- ranked 15th out of 361 metropolitan areas in the United States.
Furthermore, in addition to IBM offices located in the state, Vermont boasts locally-based enterprises that have achieved international fame, including Green Mountain Coffee, Ben & Jerry's Ice-cream, and Burton Snowboards which was key in the development of the modern sport of snowboarding.
Vermont's natural advantages are a draw for entrepreneurs and professionals. This is something which New Brunswick policy-makers must be cognizant of. We need policy oriented to building a 21st-century creative economy with emphasis on investing in education, promoting high-tech and other entrepreneurial endeavours, and modernizing agriculture and forestry so they are sustainable enterprises in the 21st century.
There has been a public outcry against fracking in the province -- 20,000 New Brunswickers signed a petition calling for a ban on fracking. The opening of the New Brunswick Legislature saw a march through downtown Fredericton of New Brunswickers demanding a halt to new licenses and exploration, culminating in a demonstration on the grounds of the Legislative Assembly.
With the new Legislative session, the debate over fracking will almost certainly be at the forefront. In addition to the concerns about public health and environmental sustainability, the economic opportunity costs must be a central part of this debate.
]]>Kids Need Help With Mental Health Tootag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.21754332012-11-22T17:25:59-05:002013-01-22T05:12:01-05:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/
This passage is from Connecting the Dots, a report issued by New Brunswick's Ombudsman and Child and Youth Advocate when Bernard Richard held these posts. This report highlighted the pressing need for more awareness and services to help youth in this province afflicted with mental health issues.
Parents would agree, the well-being of our children is crucial. That is why it is important to raise awareness about mental health issues affecting youth, to remove the stigma attached, to create a safe space in schools, so that treatment can be sought. Also, directly related to this, improved services for mental health issues facing children and youth is essential.
This is the aim of Dots NB, which has grown rapidly to become a grassroots movement of concerned parents, youth, and citizens. Two years ago, 1,200 people in Fredericton physically "connected the dots" -- standing fingertip-to-fingertip from the Mental Health Centre to the Legislature in support of mental health awareness and services for children and youth. Leading the crowd was the S.M.Y.L.E. Youth Group from Saint Mary's First Nation and students at George Street Middle School known as the Dot Squad.
Dots NB was founded after this demonstration, to continue the work.
This year, on December 7, Dots NB will be organizing the Dots for Kids Day Ring a Bell campaign to raise awareness by having community members ring church bells across the province in unison with over 20,000 middle school students, who will also be ringing bells. Bell Aliant has been a crucial partner in moving this initiative forward. Last year, church bells rang in Fredericton, this year they will ring across New Brunswick.
What is the significance of ringing church bells? Before the era of mass communications, church bells were important in gathering communities together and this is the aim of the campaign -- bring people together to raise awareness about this pressing issue, so that those afflicted do not have to suffer alone in silence, so they are not afraid to seek treatment because of stigma, and so policy-makers in our province can move forward to provide proper services and treatment for kids afflicted with mental health issues.
Participating churches will be recognized on the Dots NB website with a giant map of caring churches. If a church does not have a traditional steeple bell, a speaker system can be used or hand bells be rung on the front steps. Organizations representing other faith groups are encouraged to participate as well.
In addition to this initiative, another major initiative of Dots NB is education about mental health issues, something identified as a priority in the Connecting the Dots report. Dots NB is presently working with the Department of Education, establishing a lesson plan for middle-school students focussed on mental health, something that represents the first time students in New Brunswick will be learning about mental health issues at the grade school level.
This is crucial as over 50 per cent of mental health illnesses show up by the age of 13 and only one-in-five receive any treatment at all. Early intervention and prevention -- including education -- are key in this regard.
Our children are important to us, they represent our future. That is why education and raising awareness about mental health issues is crucial. In the last few years, a great grassroots movement has grown through Dots NB. You can help by participating in the ring a bell campaign -- by encouraging churches and other faith groups to participate. For more information or to register a church, please contact Dots NB by email at connect@dotsnb.ca or call 1-506-206-1662.]]>What Canadian Cities Can Learn From Frederictontag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.21159002012-11-12T17:03:54-05:002013-01-12T05:12:01-05:00Hassan Arifhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/hassan-arif/
At the same time as having a small town ambience, Fredericton offers "big city" advantages such as two universities, a community college, an arts college, art galleries, as well as being the province's centre of government. In addition to all this, Fredericton has an emerging high-tech sector (even if set back with the recent Radian6 layoffs).
Good urban planning is important to preserving Fredericton's quality of life advantages -- including its "unique charm and character" as identified in the city's 2007 municipal plan -- that make it a desirable place to live and work. This includes promoting walkable streets, unique architecture that enhances the character of the city, and curbing generic box-store style sprawl.
This 2007 municipal plan emphasizes the importance of promoting a knowledge-based economy (high-tech, research and development) with the suburban-style Knowledge Park playing a key role in this regard. However, in recent years, downtown-like environments -- the "fixer-upper" loft rather than the gleaming suburban office-park building -- have become increasingly popular sites for high-tech start-ups.
Richard Florida, an urban affairs academic and writer, noted this trend in an article he wrote for the Wall Street Journal, writing that while the largely suburban Silicon Valley was still "the world's pre-eminent centre of high-tech industry," even in this region, neighbourhoods like downtown Palo Alto with mixed-use buildings and richer street-life were becoming a more popular location for start-ups and that high-profile start-ups such as Pinterest and Yelp were setting up in downtown San Francisco.
The article quoted Twitter co-founder Jack Dorsey stating that "I love the idea of an urban corporate campus with all the energy and variety that provides." Florida's article further stated that younger people (as well as many in the high-tech sector overall) are increasingly preferring downtown-style locations for walkability and social activities (in his latest book Florida also cited rich street-life as important in this regard).
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So how does this apply to Fredericton?
Walkable and mixed-use neighbourhoods are key to promoting economic development in the city -- including a rich arts and culture scene that would be an attraction to young professionals and entrepreneurs. Fredericton can offer the amenities of a larger city -- universities, arts culture, and government amenities -- without the congestion or high housing costs of larger cities, something that would be attractive to many seeking an alternative to larger centres such as Toronto.
Fredericton's municipal plan identifies Main Street -- a northside thoroughfare that runs roughly parallel to the Saint John River which divides Fredericton's north and south side -- as the northside's "busiest commercial area" and as a place that is a priority for "streetscape improvements" including "infilling" and "redevelopment" to make it "an attractive and functional centre of commercial activity." Union Street, which continues west from Main Street, is identified for similar streetscape and aesthetic improvements.
Main and Union Street are already a sort of proto-downtown -- with older buildings mixed in with strip malls with vast parking-lot frontage. There is, in this area, older building stock that can serve as the kind of "lofts" and "fixer-uppers" conducive to start-ups if there is a streetscape conducive to walkability -- with a street-frontage of shops, restaurants, and other amenities, as well as downtown-style mixed-use buildings (i.e. stores on the first floor and residences above) as density alone is not enough. As well, items such as more street crossings to make the area pedestrian-friendly would help in this regard.
Being across the river from downtown Fredericton, this area could serve as an extension of Fredericton's existing downtown -- to enhance the cultural, artistic, and economic life of the city. The possibility of a Carleton Street walking bridge -- discussed in the municipal plan -- could enhance the link between downtown Fredericton and these northside neighbourhoods. This overall would be consistent with Mayor Brad Woodside's vision of thinking beyond northside and southside, and conceiving of Fredericton as one city overall.
In Fredericton's existing southside downtown, there is room for initiatives such as opening up Queen Street to car-free status on occasions outside the Harvest Jazz and Blues Festival (such as introducing new festivals or having car-free weekends in the summer). This would offer new venues for artists and street-performers, further enhancing the city's creative economy and potential for tourism. In Burlington, Vermont -- a smaller city like Fredericton -- Church Street, which is permanently pedestrian only, has become a popular focal point of that city's downtown, a hub for artists and street-performers, a draw for tourists, and a boost for local businesses.
There are potential improvements in other areas of Fredericton as well. In other commercial areas of the city, in particular those that are in close proximity to residential neighbourhoods, such as the northside's Brookside Mall and the southside's Uptown Centre (a mall turned box-store development) and the Canadian Tire Plaza, simple improvements on the property, such as tree-lined walkways so that pedestrians are not forced to dodge cars in the parking lot and aesthetically pleasing facades, could make these areas function better as neighbourhood centres and improve walkability.
Fredericton offers the advantages of being a small city -- or large town depending on how one sees it -- with big city amenities offered by being a centre of government, education, and high-tech. It is important that municipal planning strategies seek to enhance Fredericton's advantages -- promoting walkability and unique architecture -- curbing generic box-store style sprawl, enhancing what makes Fredericton a great place to live while fostering an environment conducive to a rich creative economy.]]>