This week was spent re-evaluating and debating where the legal balance should be struck between protecting Canadians from harm and protecting Canadians' civil liberties. No, it wasn't only the Supreme Court's Whatcott decision -- which upheld most of the hate crime portions of Saskatchewan's Human Rights Code -- that sparked conversation (and disappointment for libertarians like me) on Wednesday. The arguments got far more heated the next day in the wake of a YouTube video showing academic Tom Flanagan telling a University of Lethbridge audience that the viewing of child pornography does not "harm another person," and that he "has some grave doubts about putting people in jail because of their taste in pictures."
As a result of the comments, Flanagan was quickly dropped from his CBC gig, disowned by the Alberta Wildrose Party, denounced by the Prime Minister's spokesperson and his long-time employer the University of Calgary (which also chose the moment to publicly announce, for the first time, Flanagan's impending spring retirement) and dumped from the upcoming program of the conservative Manning Centre's Networking Conference.
Is it a surprise that remarks that could be (and certainly have been) read as showing a failure to appreciate the profound, wide-ranging and heart-breaking damage done by child pornography would cause outrage? Perhaps not -- but frustrating still that the whole affair has been largely cast simplistically as Flanagan revealing himself to be "okay with child porn," when in fact, as inelegantly as he may have gone about it, Flanagan seemed to be trying to get at a legitimate question: Is criminalizing the act of viewing evidence, after the fact, of a disgusting crime a reasonable curtailment of freedom expression?
Obviously, the reaction to Flanagan's words gives a pretty good indication of where most Canadians would come down on the question, but that doesn't mean it isn't one worth asking and thinking about. Consider: We didn't prosecute people who took to the Internet to watch the repugnant snuff video alleged to be at the heart of the Luka Magnotta murder case, in which a man is apparently seen killing, dismembering, violating and doing otherwise unspeakable things to another man. We prosecuted Luke Magnotta.
In the United States, the Supreme Court struck down on free expression grounds a federal ban on "virtual" child pornography (material depicting images that looked like children engaged in sexual actions, but which involved no real children), suggesting that for the highest court in the land of one major democracy, at least, the ill effects of viewing child pornography alone are not enough to warrant censorship -- it's the actual abuse of children that justifies criminalizing the material. In other words, you can ban bad deeds, but not words (or pictures) that could simply lead to them.
Is this what Tom Flanagan meant by his remarks on Wednesday? I don't know. As the National Post's Jonathan Kay points out, Flanagan's off-the-cuff answer to a question from the audience at a live speaking event was too truncated and lacking in context and preparation for us to be able to tell for sure. (Kay says, "In such situations, people express themselves in all sorts of clumsy, and sometimes bizarre ways," and then goes on to give his own embarrassing experience of repeatedly mistakenly calling "Osama" "Obama" during public speaking events as an example.) But the point is that Flanagan's words could be read as a maladroit expression for what is nonetheless -- as Flanagan's fellow U of C professor Barry Cooper put it -- a defensible position.
It would be a shame if the ultimate outcome of the incident were to lead the country further down the path the Whatcott decision set us on: making the debating of society's most sensitive and difficult subjects off limits.
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Tobold Rollo: Saying Goodbye to Tom Flanagan: What Took So Long?
Ron Nurwisah: This Week Has 7 Tweets: Canada At The Oscars, Flanagan Flames Out, Senate Shenanigans
The ideological noodling engaged in here is dangerous. The blind allegiance to a simplisitc notion of speech rights is a special kind of nonsense.
Canadian support for criminalizing child pornography, including this Canadian is because we understand what pedophilia is, how it works and what the major incitement is to them acting out their desire for small children.
There are many experts in Canada that you can talk to and they are going to tell you that the viewing and availability of child pornography feeds into their desire for children and is an incitement for them to act upon it.
Pedophiles represent a real and constant danger to children: they don't stand out until caught, they are often well hidden in respectable neighbourhoods, jobs that place them close to children and even marriages. They are the one's attracted to child pornography and they are the ones willing to take the risk of paying to see it or buying it on the black market because it feeds their unhealthy desire for children and feeds their fantasy that they just love children.
That's the majority of pedophiles but then there is another class of pedophile, they do more than molest them, they hold them captive, torture them and then kill them. Do you have children, can you imagine a defenseless child in that situation? Maybe you need to get past your Libertarianism long enough to think this through.
In general..to make childsex to depicted childabuse is criminal, child rape is evil
so is:
pretending to make "adults" depicted as children for childsex is criminal;
tapes of hearing children being raped is criminal;
looking at children being raped is criminal;
having children rape other children for your pleasure also criminal;
watching others rape children is criminal;
paying for & directing childrape by website/ computer means is criminal;
raping children is evil..in EVERY context..
It's disappointing that the argument is against restricting both of those, however.
Sadly, in both cases the victims are those who are less powerful, either children or social minorities, though only one of those categories seems to be considered worth protecting. It's hard for anyone with power to see why that would be needed, but that doesn't change the necessity.
"...Flanagan seemed to be trying to get at a legitimate question: Is criminalizing the act of viewing evidence, after the fact, of a disgusting crime a reasonable curtailment of freedom expression?"
-i think a more focussed discourse can be had by recognizing the inherent political/social nature of an expression vs. personal indulgence that may be harmful to children and the vulnerable (or gotten by causing or having the potential to cause undue physical or psychological injury to someone). the original intent, as far as i can tell, of the notion of freedom of expression was political and social in nature; all else being subject to criminal or civil sanction (ie, in both senses of the word).
flanagan, holding such an office, is not precluded from being subject to criminal or civil sanction. the question then becomes: did what he said have academic merit or not?
He could not see the fact that viewing it creates demand and the more demand there is creates a need for more supply and it is that which harms people drastically.
People in society have stopped, in many cases, of seeing all the repercussions of an action.
Obviously the example shown by him is the worst of the worst, but we see this thought process way too often.
Decisions are made based on what people see in their little box and they do not step out to see the whole effect. Peoples opinions are also bias, what people want is for them to not be impacted and many don't care the about how laws and decision affect other people, and until people start caring about the global repercussions society will continue to regress back to Neanderthal man (Although some evidence may suggest they had a better sense of family and community than us.)
If you see a movie about teens and there is a nude shot in it, are we guilty because while the actor may be 20, the movie is about youth sex so we are, so to speak, deliberately seeing youth sex.
My point is that you make it seem black and white, and the realities are more complex than that. It scares me to think you would authorize government to have incredibly heavy handed powers and repressing sex works really, really well.
I know your intention is good, but I think the ramifications of your making anyone who fails to report a crime as a criminal would be difficult at best, hugely abusive of power and freedom at worst.
Think McCarthyism along a sexual line.
As it stands, "child pronography" is a crimnal offense!
So the statement, "suggesting that for the highest court in the land of one major democracy, at least, the ill effects of viewing child pornography alone are not enough to warrant censorship -- " is inaccurate. What the U.S. Supreme court is actually saying is the ill effects of viewing - virtual - child pornography alone is not enough to warrant censorship. It's not saying anything about anything involving real children.
I dare you.