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The Brad Wall government had some difficult choices to make. It could have asked the rich to pay a little more. Instead, it told the poor to pay a lot more. Though this budget may help reduce the provincial deficit, it will be bad for poverty and for the long-term health of the Saskatchewan economy.
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Reading between the lines of its public messaging, the McNeil Liberals seem to think that budgetary deficits hamper economic growth, that the provincial debt-load will crush future generations of Nova Scotians and that one potent method of slaying the deficit is to freeze public sector employee compensation. Is this true?
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Yes folks, we’ve become the Luke Skywalker of the world economy.
I decided to give you a short list of the Couillard government's extraordinary spending this fall for friends of the Liberal Party. You see, the list speaks for itself and shows how much the austerity we are confronted with varies depending on who's involved.
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Martin Coiteux doesn't give the impression he's very interested in negotiating with workers in the public sector. Despite the fact that the Common Front has significantly lowered its demand on pay it seems clear to me that the chair of the Conseil du trésor had already written his speech before he even met with the Common Front.
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What's the most upsetting in all this is the speed with which the government invests large amounts in a private company for a high-risk project at the same time as it is loath to invest in public services. Our government of bankers and businessmen should remember that it is responsible for managing for the common good -- period!
the notion that there are a lot of Canadians who are stuck in a cycle of poverty, in this day and age, is simply mistaken. The research is very clear on this question: Social mobility is high in Canada. In other words, despite what you may have heard, the poor are getting richer, too.
I'm going to talk to you about social inequalities. Some might think that this issue isn't important in Québec. Yet the data show a particularly disturbing growth in inequalities. In my opinion, our struggles must converge on the fight against growing social inequalities.
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With a strong plan to invest in jobs and economic growth, Liberal leader Justin Trudeau has boldly distinguished himself from both Stephen Harper and Thomas Mulcair. Mr. Harper's growth record is the worst of any prime minister in eight decades. There are 160,000 more jobless Canadians today than before he took office. And Mr. Mulcair has strangely sided with the Harper austerity agenda, meaning billions of dollars in program cuts and/or broken promises to concoct the appearance of a balanced budget next year. The Mulcair plan and the Harper plan are formulae for going nowhere. Justin Trudeau is offering the only agenda for real change.
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There is growing definite interest in our affiliated unions for debating the use of pressure tactics up to and including a strike. Some unions are further ahead than others in their consideration of this, while others are beginning to give it thought. All this is encouraging, because mobilization is how workers will be able to stop the Liberal bulldozer.
Tax havens are an even greater cause for concern because they are at the root of a vicious circle that results in workers bearing the brunt of the pressure to keep public finances "balanced", while the real sources of wealth escape us. It's no exaggeration to say that without tax havens, there wouldn't be any austerity!
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Contrary to what various columnists say, I don't find it surprising that Minister Barrette wanted to cut off debate and push through Bill 10. It's the cornerstone that will make it possible to move ahead with more privatization in health care and social services.
In recent weeks, I explained that the objective of the Couillard government is to make Canadian averages the rule in Québec. To do this, the government is attacking what distinguishes Québec: our collective choice to have social programs that help limit social inequalities.
In last week's blog, I indicated that I would come back to the issue of Canadian averages, which seem to be very important for Premier Couillard. With all its trial balloons, it's clear that the Couillard government is drawing on the Canadian model to dismantle Québec's.
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As Finance Minister Joe Oliver this week touts Canada’s imminent return to balanced budgets, and sells the government’s pre-election tax cuts, some economists argue the Conservatives’ agenda of spendi...
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It was obvious to everyone that the Couillard government's proposals will simply make inequalities worse. The government wasn't mandated to dismantle public services. Philippe Couillard didn't get a mandate from the population to do what he's doing. Philippe Couillard is implementing the CAQ's program.
France must confront its demons: The Big State and a Gallic attitude to labour productivity, as its economy suffers. Compared with Canada, France is living on past glories while Canada pursues a way for its people to live as well as they can in the here and now. In essence, the French need to go easy on the vino.
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Mass protests have become an all-too-common post-crisis occurrence in major cities around the world. The sheer number of them elicits key questions. What is making them so prevalent? Where will the movement strike next? And more personally, how will protests affect our international business operations?
The exceedingly aggressive austerity cuts carried out by Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Finance Minister Jim Flaherty over the past seven years have come home to roost as millions of Canadians, depressed and without hope, are succumbing to its worst consequences.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper told the British Parliament today that the debate in Europe between austerity and growth is "a false dichotomy." "You need good measures of both," Harper told British Lo...
The Harper government has consistently supported Canada's banks and global investor class. In fact, their entire foreign policy is largely designed around the question: How can we make the world's richest 0.1% even richer?
The Prime Minister's personal poll numbers are receding (dropping almost by half since 2010), as are those of his government. Sensing the decline, the Conservatives have taken to their historic method of going negative, as with their recent attack ads on Justin Trudeau. Yet it's not working as effectively because Canadians themselves have faced too many negative indicators in the last five years.
Prime Minister Harper is proving a political populist by practice and fiscal hawk by necessity; his finance minister, Jim Flaherty, is actually more the reverse. That tandem is holding, for now. A new Bank of Canada governor means renewed focus on the country's economic direction.
At the IMF-World Bank meetings this past week, there were plenty of assessments of the state of the global economy that described the post-2008 recovery as anemic. Only a few went so far as to claim that the global economy is comatose. Yet, despite general agreement on the diagnosis, there was little consensus on how to solve the problem.
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Government program spending is still growing from sea to sea. Virtually every government in Canada is spending more in current dollars from one year to the next. Many are spending more in inflation-adjusted dollars, too. If they aren't, they're generally coming pretty close.