In a recent article, Rex Murphy characterized affirmative action as "an inequity in itself," "hollow" and "false." In his usual stern-faced, firm and finger-wagging manner of analyzing the issues of the day, Murphy makes some excellent and interesting points.
Though I don't entirely agree with his assessment of the policy, like Murphy, I am certainly in favour of putting an end to what he calls, "the hitherto unquestioned status of affirmative action." He and I likely differ, however, on why we think this should be done.
Murphy believes that a more free debate on affirmative action, or as we call it in Canada, employment equity, will ultimately help us see that this policy "has outgrown what tenuous utility or point it might once have had." I, on the other hand, think that the CBC commentator's call for a more open debate on affirmative action is important because such would reveal that affirmative action/employment equity is to North American society what the CBC is to television and radio broadcasting in Canada.
You read it right: Affirmative action is to our society what the CBC is to television and radio broadcasting in Canada.
Indeed, I can already sense your confusion -- "How does that parallel even make sense?"
Well, think of a society without affirmative action as television and radio in Canada without the CBC (and by extension, the Canadian Radio-television Telecommunications Commission, but we'll stick to the CBC for now). Let me explain...
The dominant and default force that drives media outlets and content in Canada and other liberal democracies is ad-generated profit -- plain and simple. Consequently, if we left it exclusively to market forces to dictate what appeared in Canadian broadcast media, whatever, and I mean whatever, programs that seized the attention of the highest number of Canadians would be the sole determinant of who and what dominated the Canadian airwaves.
In other words, if laissez-faire ruled media broadcasting in Canada, it is almost certain that Canadian TVs and radios would be overwhelmingly and almost totally dominated by a 24-hour cycle that would be saturated with the likes of the Jersey Shore, Keeping Up With the Kardashians, American Idol, Dancing with the Stars, NFL games, Fox News and CNN.
Such a mind-numbing media reality would likely mean the following: Hockey Night in Canada -- gone. Peter Mansbridge -- gone. Diana Swain -- gone. Evan Solomon -- gone. Kevin O'Leary -- gone. This Hour Has 22 Minutes -- gone. As it Happens -- gone. Rick Mercer -- gone. George Stroumboulopoulos -- gone. And of course, Rex Murphy, himself -- gone...
However, thanks to the Canadian media's artificial market distortion that is the CBC, Canadians and Canada are invaluably enriched by home-grown programming and personalities whose worth to Canadian culture and community cannot be measured by the sways of public taste and mere profit margins.
Wait, are we still talking about affirmative action here? We sure are.
In the same way that the whims of the free market should not be what determines the continued existence of, and programing on, the CBC, the comfort level and cultural familiarity of managers and employers should not be what determines which qualified candidates get hired for jobs.
Of course, affirmative action/employment equity is not a perfect or ideal policy. That being said, such policies are probably at least as perfect as the CBC is at ensuring that Canadian content and culture is a common, widespread and accessible feature of radio and television in this country.
While the ideal would be for private media corporations to meaningfully incorporate Canadian content and culture into their broadcasts, it would be naive, imprudent and detrimental to Canadian culture if we left the market to do this. And the same can be said for Canadian society and employment equity.
While all Canadians would love to believe that, in the absence of employment equity programs, Canadian employers would be universally and truly committed to hiring on the basis of pure merit, (which is the exclusive province of no single people, race or culture) it is extremely unlikely that this reality would materialize in the forseeable future.
In fact, even with an official national policy of multiculturalism and a plethora of employment equity policies that have been adopted over the past three decades, Canadian corporatations, politics, and higher learning have made progress, but still show significant difficulties in fully developing a dynamic workforce of diverse and qualified employees, managers and board members.
I may be getting ahead of myself, because in all fairness, Murphy wasn't clear on whether his thoughts on the "inequity" of affirmative action extend to its Canadian manifestation of employment equity. But truth be told, I would be surprised if Murphy doesn't feel the same disdain towards employment equity in Canada as he does for affirmative action, as it's called across the border. Either way, I can totally understand if his stance is deliberately ambiguous on the matter. In fact, if I were him, I too would probably try to remain vague on the question.
After all, any direct shots Murphy might take at employment equity might have the unintended negative effect of pushing Canadians across this vast country to start wondering how it could be that a fella from Carbonear, Newfoundland could become such a dominant voice on Canadian social, political and economic affairs.
Now thatwould just be totally unfair...
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Me I'm glad I'm in IT. No one accuses the computer of giving me a break
I'm okay with that but this constant racializing of it fits a certain agenda. Implying half the country gets a free ride (and stats show that both women and minorities tend to get screwed for jobs, promotion, and salary
I think what's getting lost in some of the comments is the fact that AA/EE is a work in progress. It's not a "for-or-against" debate, but a question of how can we improve the system so that we would no longer need the policies in place. A question that will have to challenge and overcome the many "-isms" in our society.
Martin Loney PhD
Abigail B. Bakan and Audrey Kobayashi
Equality is thus a process — a process of constant and flexible examination, of vigilant introspection, and of aggressive open-mindedness.1
Employment equity became a significant public policy issue in Canada following the 1984 publication of Equality in Employment: A Royal Commission Report2 under the direction of Commissioner Rosalie Abella. Abella consulted widely with individual advocates and representatives of social movements to capture the growing concern for equality and equity issues that had crystallized with the adoption of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The result was a unique, Canadian approach to equity and it guided the development of a public policy agenda in very significant ways. However, the significance was not only in the establishment of a political culture friendly to an ideology of inclusiveness in the country’s workplaces; it also laid the ground for an acceptance of, and concessions to, certain aspects of political backlash.
http://spe.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/spe/article/view/5199/2065
When the Act was first passed in 1977, it included an important exemption. Section 67 of the Act stipulated that “nothing in this Act [the Canadian Human Rights Act] affects any provision of the Indian Act or any provision made under or pursuant to that Act.” The effect of Section 67 was to exempt actions carried out by the Government of Canada or a First Nation government, and which were pursuant to the Indian Act, from complaints of discrimination under the Canadian Human Rights Act.
The exemption was justified on the grounds that the federal government was obliged not to make any modifications to the Indian Act without prior and full consultation with First Nations (Canadian Human Rights Commission, 2005). As such, the federal government would have to consult with First Nations before the new Canadian Human Rights Act could be applied to them. Thirty years after the passage of the Act, however, this “temporary” exemption had still not been amended.
In 2008, the federal government passed An Act to amend the Canadian Human Rights Act (Bill C-21). The first clause of this Act repealed Section 67 of the Canadian Human Rights Act. As such, actions undertaken pursuant to the Indian Act, either by the federal government or a First Nation government, are no longer exempt from review.
http://www.mapleleafweb.com/features/canadian-human-rights-act-introduction-canada-s-federal-human-rights-legislation
http://www.psc-cfp.gc.ca/plcy-pltq/eead-eeed/rprt/ee-psc-cfp/index-eng.htm
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http://www.bcafn.ca/files/education-background-why.php
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http://www.unsi.ns.ca/upload/file/eco-dev/assessing_the_effectiveness_of_labour_force_participation_strategies_-_apcfnc.pdf
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http://edcp.educ.ubc.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/documents/EDCPAAPlan.pdf
http://www.mediaindigena.com/tim-fontaine/issues-and-politics/poll-is-it-fair-to-reserve-some-government-jobs-for-aboriginal-people-and-visible-minorities
A newer study shows the situation was not much better last year: the urban Aboriginal unemployment rate (ages 15-24) was 13.9% in 2009; it had been as low as 10.4 % in 2008. (Non-aboriginal rates were just over 8% in 2009, 6% in 2008.
See the story here: http://indgn.us/a29WBd
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http://bctf.ca/publications/NewsmagArticle.aspx?id=12800&printPage=true
For most Aboriginal people, the capacity to fulfill family responsibilities of support is dependent on participation in the labour market. Success in the labour market, in turn, depends substantially on geographic access and effective, relevant education.
In 1972 the National Indian Brotherhood (now the Assembly of First Nations) published a landmark document "Indian Control of Indian Education" declaring that education of Indian people must affirm their identity and fit them with skills for participation in contemporary society. A series of publications in subsequent years has documented how Aboriginal people are proceeding with implementing that agenda. (Barman et al., 1987; Battiste and Barman, 1995; Castellano et al., 2000)
The transfer of administrative responsibility for elementary and some secondary education to local First Nations control has resulted in incorporation of elements of culture and language in the curriculum. The introduction of Native Studies in universities and colleges across Canada has also contributed to a more affirming environment in post-secondary institutions. Aboriginal institutions have emerged at the post-secondary level to accelerate the development of culturally appropriate curriculum, pedagogy and modes of delivery.
To place the federal spending in perspective, consider the federalgovernment’s commitment to new immigrants to Canada. In the sameyear that the government transferred $13.4 million to Native Friendship Centres, it spent over $256 million on immigrant settlement and integration. The discrepancy between these amounts becomes most apparent when seen on a per capita basis.
Federal immigrant settlement and transition spending in 1996-97 was $247 per person who immigrated in the previous five years, while the government’s contribution to Native Friendship Centres was $34 per urban Aboriginal person.
Perhaps this helps to explain the difficulties many Aboriginal people are experiencing in adjusting to life in western Canadian cities...eh?
Two significant factors contributing to lower income and higher unemployment are relatively lower levels of education and limited opportunities for employment in rural and remote reserve settings. An analysis by INAC indicates that while income levels of Indians on-reserve rose between 1990 and 1995, the gains as a proportion of non-Aboriginal incomes was marginal, from 53% to 56%. In this five-year span the proportion of the on-reserve population in the labour force, that is, working or seeking work, remained around 50% and the unemployment rate remained almost constant at 27%. (INAC, 2000)
The average annual income of Aboriginal people is substantially lower than that of non-Aboriginal Canadians. In 1995, Aboriginal people had an average income from all sources of $15,700, just 62% of the figure of $25,400 for the non-Aboriginal population. Within the Aboriginal population the Metis have the highest average incomes at $17,500 , compared with $17,600 among the Inuit and $14,900 among the North American Indian population, a census category that includes self-identified Indians on- and off-reserve. (Statistics Canada, June 2001) About one-quarter of all income of Aboriginal people comes from government transfer payments, compared with 14% of the income of non-Aboriginal people. 48% of North American Indians, 46% of Inuit and 41% of Metis had incomes below $10,000.The income of rural off-reserve residents and smaller cities was highest, averaging more than 70% of non-Aboriginal residents of those locations, while Aboriginal incomes in large cities was at the overall level of 62% of non-Aboriginal incomes. The solution to low-income recommended by some observers, that of moving off-reserve, is evidently not sufficient to effect change. In fact, between 46% and 51% of Aboriginal people living in Winnipeg, Edmonton, Regina and Saskatoon had incomes below $10,000. (Statistics Canada, June 2001)
RCAP Vol.1/Part2/Chapter10 (in part)
" Many exposed to these events for the first time will urge us to forget the past: building for the future is what counts, they argue...
But as Aboriginal people have told us, the past might be forgiven but it cannot be forgotten. It infuses the present and gives shape to Canadian institutions, attitudes and practices that seriously impede their aspirations to assume their rightful place in a renewed Canadian federation.
Having wilfully abandoned and marginalized Aboriginal peoples, and deliberately undermined their social and political cohesiveness, non-Aboriginal governments cannot now plead the passage of time and the institutional weaknesses of present-day Aboriginal nations as an excuse for inaction.
For non-Aboriginal people, the benefit lies in the opportunity for Canadians to move beyond policies that are the failed relics of colonialism. This will change Canada’s reputation abroad and people’s self-respect at home...
con't
The government’s general approach to the RCAP report has been the subject of critical observations by national and international human rights bodies.
In December 1998, the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights "[viewed] with concern the direct connection between Aboriginal economic marginalization and the ongoing dispossession of Aboriginal people from their lands, as recognized by RCAP," and expressed its "[great] concern that the recommendations of RCAP have not yet been implemented, in spite of the urgency of the situation."
In April 1999, the United Nations Human Rights Committee also expressed concern that Canada had "not yet implemented the recommendations of the [RCAP]," and recommended "that decisive and urgent action be taken towards the full implementation of the RCAP recommendations on land and resource allocation."
In its 1999 Annual Report, the Canadian Human Rights Commission "reiterate[d] the view expressed in previous annual reports that the government’s response to the 1996 report of the [RCAP] has been slow. We would not wish to minimize the significance of steps such as the ... $350 million Healing Fund, nor deny the good intentions underlying Gathering Strength ... Nonetheless, much more attention still needs to be given to pressing issues…."
At this time, it remains difficult to predict whether or to what degree Gathering Strength programs may produce outcomes equivalent to those advocated by the RCAP’s principal recommendations.
con't...
Renewing the Partnership: this commitment included an initial Statement of Reconciliation acknowledging historic injustices to Aboriginal peoples and establishment of a $350-million "healing fund" to address the legacy of abuse in the residential school system. Other elements related to, inter alia, the preservation and promotion of Aboriginal languages; increased public understanding of Aboriginal traditions and issues; inclusion of Aboriginal partners in program design, development and delivery; government willingness to explore how existing systems might be improved; and addressing the needs of urban Aboriginal people more effectively.
Strengthening Aboriginal Governance: initiatives identified under this heading pertained to, among other things, developing the capacity of Aboriginal peoples to negotiate and implement self-government; establishment of additional treaty commissions, as well as Aboriginal governance centres; creation of an independent claims body in co-operation with First Nations; a Métis enumeration program; funding Aboriginal women’s organizations to enhance women’s participation in self-government processes; possible development of an Aboriginal governments recognition instrument.
Supporting Strong Communities, People and Economics: this objective entailed devoting resources to improving living standards in Aboriginal communities with respect to housing, water and sewer systems; welfare reform to reduce dependence and focus on job creation; a five-year Aboriginal Human Resources Development Strategy; expansion of the Aboriginal Head Start program; education reform; increased focus on health-related needs and programs; improved access to capital; and establishment of urban youth centres.